Photography by Gary Wayne Gilbert
From her office on the campus of Montefiore Medical Center, at East 210th Street and Rochambeau Avenue, Amanda Parsons 鈥97 can look out over a row of brick houses and see the wide borough of the Bronx spreading to the horizon. The houses give way to low apartment blocks and, in the distance, the Gun Hill public housing complex. Parsons is Montefiore鈥檚 vice president of community and population health, and has been since 2014. In the simplest possible terms, her job is to help the Bronx鈥檚 1.5 million people lead longer, happier, healthier lives.
It鈥檚 a Wednesday morning in May, and at 9:00 sharp Parsons pulls out her schedule. The day鈥檚 lineup is crowded and typical, a sketch of the broad landscape of her concerns. When Montefiore was started by Jewish philanthropists in 1884 as a home for chronic invalids, its mission was to serve the 鈥減eople whom other hospitals of the day would not help,鈥 according to official history. Today, the Montefiore Health System is one of the country鈥檚 largest, with 11 campuses, research facilities, and the Albert Einstein School of Medicine (where Parsons is also an assistant professor of family and social medicine). Services provided by Montefiore have earned it national rankings. Those services are badly needed. The Bronx is the unhealthiest county in New York State (and has been for seven years running), falling at or near the bottom in measures such as obesity, smoking, physical inactivity, and low birthweight. It is also the poorest county in the state, and among the poorest nationwide, with a per capita income of less than $19,000, according to the Census Bureau鈥檚 American Community Survey. Its rundown apartments, infested with mold, roaches, and rodents, contribute to a high incidence of asthma, especially among poor children (43 percent of the borough鈥檚 children live in poverty). Children in the Bronx on the receiving end of Medicaid (a proxy for 鈥減oor鈥) are diagnosed with the disease at a rate 3.3 times the state childhood average. And one out of three Bronx residents, versus one in eight Americans overall, does not have enough to eat.
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First up on this day is a meeting to address the problem of babies and smoking. It鈥檚 difficult to bring a group of clinicians and administrators together鈥攅mergencies arise鈥攁nd this meeting must be cancelled. But Parsons lays out the challenges for a visitor: On one side of any solution are Montefiore鈥檚 pediatricians. Too often, they find themselves treating infants suffering the impacts of second-hand smoke, which include bronchitis, pneumonia, and increased risk of crib death. On another side are the medical center鈥檚 specialists in helping grownups kick the cigarette habit (one in six Bronx adults is a smoker). Everyone wants the best for patients and their families, Parsons observes. But the medical records each side uses talk past each other; they don鈥檛 mesh.
As Parsons spells out the problem, she reveals something of herself, professionally and personally. She speaks in paragraphs, with cool command of the complex issues. And her tall, athletic frame鈥攕he used to compete in triathlons鈥攇ives her a physical authority. It鈥檚 easy to understand how she became a leader. But she also speaks in relatable terms, and with the 鈥渄ash of sass, passion, and humor鈥 she touts on her LinkedIn profile.
鈥淪o, I am the baby,鈥 Parsons says, building a case. 鈥淭he mom says that I am exposed to second-hand smoke, because dad smokes or grandma smokes or something. And you, the pediatrician, want to refer said grandma or said dad to smoking cessation. But the pediatrician is sharing the baby鈥檚 chart, so smoking cessation says, 鈥業鈥檓 not calling a six-month-old.鈥 They don鈥檛 even know, Is it the grandma? Is it the dad? Is it the mom? We鈥檙e trying to figure out a way to solve that.鈥
The next appointment is a meeting to discuss coordinating the mental and cardiovascular care of Montefiore鈥檚 schizophrenic patients. In part because antipsychotic medications are strongly associated with weight gain (due to appetite-enhancing and metabolism-disrupting side effects), and in part because this 鈥渋s not a cohort that鈥檚 running marathons and leading organized lifestyles,鈥 says Parsons with empathy, many of these patients die of heart disease.
鈥淭he problem is that we bifurcate their care,鈥 Parsons says: Psychiatrists look after the mind and physicians look after the body. It would be better if both sides kept an eye on all aspects of their patients鈥 health, from establishing that their vaccines and diabetes tests are up to date to confirming that their prescriptions for antipsychotics are actually being filled. But this isn鈥檛 happening. 鈥淭here are alerts in our health-records software that can prompt doctors to do the right thing,鈥 Parsons says, but at Montefiore, 鈥淲e鈥檝e done something I think not quite bright, where your flu vaccine alert, for example, only goes to your primary care physician.鈥 She contrasts Montefiore with the Kaiser Permanente integrated medical system, where alerts for both routine and patient-specific procedures go to every doctor a patient sees: 鈥淚f you walk into the dermatologist鈥檚 office at Kaiser and you haven鈥檛 had your mammogram, the dermatologist will remind you.鈥 Today鈥檚 meeting, with administrators from Montefiore鈥檚 clinical-records department, is the latest of many she has had during the effort to move Montefiore toward a similar integrated approach to patient care.
More meetings tick past by the hour in Parsons鈥檚 planner: on Montefiore鈥檚 鈥渄ata-informed opioid response collaborative,鈥 involving community groups and social services in the Hudson Valley north of New York City; and on 鈥淪DH clinical documentation and codes.鈥 As Montefiore screens its patients for social determinants of health (SDH) such as housing and education, says Parsons, 鈥渨e have to find a way鈥 to align the additional data with 鈥渕edical coding lingo . . . the numeral codes that represent a disease鈥 (e.g., 140.9, for hypertension). Parsons will also meet this day with representatives of the Montefiore Nurse-Family Partnership, 鈥渁 wonderful program for first-time moms, of which we have a lot here in the Bronx.鈥 (Even after an almost 50 percent drop since 2005, teen pregnancy rates in the Bronx are the highest in New York City, at about 70 per 1,000 teenage girls.)
Diverse as the appointments are, common threads run through them all. There is a medical issue鈥攁 matter for Montefiore鈥檚 doctors and nurses. There is an organizational issue鈥攁 matter of enacting a new protocol, or opening a new line of communication. There are the patients and the community鈥攖he people of the Bronx. And there is the need for someone who can pull these threads together. 鈥淚 work at a system level and at a community level,鈥 says Parsons. 鈥淒oing one helps me understand what I need to do the other. I like having feet in both canoes.鈥
There鈥檚 a way in which Parsons would like to blur the distinction between the hospital and the community. In a given year, fully one-third of the Bronx鈥檚 residents pass through the Montefiore system. And in addition to being the Bronx鈥檚 largest hospital by far, Montefiore is the borough鈥檚 largest employer; many of its 33,000 employees are locals. (Parsons commutes from Lower Manhattan.) When the hospital uprooted from Manhattan in 1913 and moved to the borough northward, the Bronx had just entered a 40-year population boom (a million people arrived between 1910 and 1950), which was followed by a 40-year demographic swing from mostly white to mostly non-white. And as the borough grew and changed, the hospital grew and changed with it. When Parsons talks about reaching out to the community, she is really talking about improving a relationship of long standing.
The Bronx was never as lawless or as gritty as Hollywood made it out to be in movies such as听The Warriors听(1979). But it is still, for many of its residents, a tough place to live. Though crime rates have plummeted in every borough since the 1990s, the Bronx鈥檚 rates lead in many categories, including murder (with 54 in the first half of 2018), rape (214), assault (1,688), and robbery (3,092). Half a dozen major highways fragment the borough鈥檚 neighborhoods and fill the air with fumes and soot. Its public housing complexes鈥斺漷he projects鈥濃攊solate families from places of work, play, education, and worship. Ninety percent of Bronx residents are members of a minority group, predominantly Latino and black. More than half speak a language other than English at home. More than a third were not born in the United States.
None of these characteristics, on its own, accounts for another of the Bronx鈥檚 burdens: poor health. But all produce what Parsons calls 鈥渉eadwinds.鈥 An abundance of bodegas鈥攃heap, all-night corner shops鈥攎eans junk food is everywhere, and many Bronx residents eat poorly, even when fresh fruits and vegetables are available. Obesity and diabetes are huge problems, affecting one in three and one in five adults, respectively (both rates well above the citywide average). And blood pressure trends high: 36 percent of adults in the Bronx suffer hypertension, versus 29 percent in New York City as a whole. The Bronx ranks first among New York State鈥檚 counties for death by heart disease.
One of Parsons鈥檚 first efforts at Montefiore, in 2014, was the implementation of a diabetes prevention program. Studies elsewhere had shown that at-risk patients who met regularly, one-on-one, with a nutrition counselor had lower rates of developing diabetes than patients given medication. The counseling approach, moreover, was far cheaper than the pills. After the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention approved group sessions, the cost per patient per program dropped to just above $200. In the Bronx, nutrition counseling had been the bailiwick of the YMCA. Parsons helped shift the effort to the hospital. There patients, she says, were taught about 鈥渁ctivities, calorie tracking, shopping, when you fall off the wagon how to get back on, how to create infrastructure around you for support鈥攇enerally, all the things that, if you grew up in a healthy family, were always around you.鈥 The goal of the 16-week course was to ingrain a whole new lifestyle. 鈥淵ou can鈥檛 do it over a weekend,鈥 Parsons says. 鈥淭hat would be the equivalent of, 鈥榃ell, if one pill a day works, maybe I鈥檒l take all seven on Monday.'鈥
It has proven astonishingly effective. 鈥淚n general, our participants lose about 3.5 percent of their body weight,鈥 Parsons says, 鈥渨hich generally translates to a 27 to 30 percent reduction in the progression to diabetes in the next three years.鈥
The effort, called the Diabetes Prevention Program, helped establish the model for Parsons鈥檚 continuing work. The typical approach to population health had long been to treat illnesses that already existed. (鈥溾楲et鈥檚 wait till someone has diabetes or kidney failure and听then听do something,'鈥 Parsons says acidly.) At Montefiore, the focus is on reaching people before they are sick and helping them manage and improve their health鈥攇etting fitter and happier. The strategy is not radical these days, but at Montefiore and a minority of hospitals around the country, it is now baked into the business model.
For about a quarter of Montefiore鈥檚 patients鈥攚hether on Medicaid, Medicare, or a commercial insurance plan鈥攖he hospital doesn鈥檛 issue bills to be paid by patients and their insurers, the so-called fee-for-service model that predominates in this country. Rather, Montefiore takes a significant percentage of these patients鈥 insurance premiums as a block grant from the insurers, with the license to spend the money more or less as it sees fit. Accountable Care Organizations, as hospitals that work this way are known, are becoming increasingly common in U.S. healthcare: 鈥淚t鈥檚 an evolving field,鈥 says Parsons, and Montefiore was an early adopter of the practice, beginning in 1996.
Under this risk-based model, Montefiore assumes substantial financial responsibility鈥攊f a patient鈥檚 treatment costs more than the grant, the hospital covers the difference鈥攂ut gains the freedom to be smart and creative about care. And if a patient鈥檚 care costs less than the grant, the 鈥減rofit鈥 can be plowed into programs to help people avoid getting sick in the first place.
As a result, Parsons says excitedly, 鈥渨e are incentivized to do preventative care. But also, we are no longer restricted by thinking about 鈥榳hat does Medicaid pay for?'鈥 The majority of Montefiore Medical Center鈥檚 patients rely on Medicare (37 percent) or Medicaid (45 percent). Her voice rises and her words rush. 鈥淢edicaid doesn鈥檛 pay for an air conditioner. You can鈥檛 bill an air conditioner to Empire Blue Cross. But that might be why the little old lady keeps coming back to the emergency room! Once you take the premium and have it as operating budget, you can buy her one. You untether from the restrictions of 鈥榖enefits.'鈥
This freedom has produced some remarkable programs. Take the Healthy Store Initiative: the effort, begun in 2015, to get bodegas, those all-night corner shops, to promote healthier foods. Parsons had her data analyst (鈥淗e鈥檚 phe-nom-e-nal鈥) identify Bronx census tracts with 300-plus diabetes patients听and听a high number of bodegas, and then trained her persuasive efforts on them. There was no formal launch鈥斺漌e just began approaching bodegas,鈥 she says. For their part, the bodega owners were receptive to the idea鈥攂ut warned that the healthy stuff had to sell. So Parsons and her team helped them with Marketing 101. 鈥淎 lot of the bodega owners go and buy their fruits and vegetables in these boxes and then they leave them in there, where they鈥檙e not getting aerated, and they spoil. So we worked with them on making displays.鈥 But what about when the bananas eventually go brown?, the bodega owners asked. Answer: 鈥溾楾hat鈥檚 the perfect banana to put in a smoothie.鈥 So we buy them blenders.鈥 Mindful of the importance of sales, Parsons worked to build up a base of customers, too: The diabetes-prevention groups started taking bodega field trips, learning how to read nutrition labels and getting a taste for salads. In 2015, the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation awarded its Culture of Health Prize to the Bronx and its 鈥減olicymakers, healthcare professionals, nonprofits, and individuals across [the] borough.鈥 The foundation quoted Parsons about working 鈥渙utside鈥 the usual silos and cited the bodega project.
Under Parsons鈥檚 guidance, the hospital system has tackled asthma鈥攊n partnership with local clergy and other community groups鈥攂y funding the renovation of mold- and vermin-afflicted homes; 鈥渉otspotted鈥 specific neighborhoods hit hardest by flu for free vaccination deliveries; and gathered troves of borough-wide health-related data via a survey of every Montefiore patient (鈥淗ave you struggled to feed your family in the past 12 months? Do you have pests in your home?鈥).
鈥淓very system is engineered for the outcomes it gets,鈥 Parsons says. 鈥淎nd so whenever we want to change outcomes, we know it鈥檚 not a matter of, 鈥榃ork harder, do better!鈥 It鈥檚 a matter of reengineering the system.鈥 The projects change but the strategy of working with the community remains a constant. 鈥淚f you want to get rid of the problem,鈥 Parsons says emphatically, 鈥測ou听have听to do these things.鈥
In a break between meetings, Parsons describes how she got here. At 涩里番下载 (and then known as Amanda Heron), 鈥淚 was hyper-pre-med.鈥 A freshman from North Brunswick, New Jersey, she鈥檇 been selected to join the third class of presidential scholars, but 鈥渁ll my classes were science, all my electives were science-related. I was like a tunnel-visioned persona all through college.鈥 She describes herself even then as an 鈥渁drenaline junkie in the healthcare setting,鈥 working as an EMT with the North Brunswick First Aid and Rescue Squad, and volunteering in the emergency rooms at St. Peter鈥檚 and Robert Wood Johnson hospitals in nearby New Brunswick. Certain she wanted to be a doctor, after graduation she reluctantly took a summer desk job at a New Jersey cancer research company, Theradex, to kill a few months before medical school began. But to her surprise, she loved being part of a team analyzing research in an office environment. Sensing a new calling, she asked for a year鈥檚 deferment to continue the work, and Columbia Medical School said yes.
At Columbia a few years later, and once again certain that medicine was her calling (鈥淚 was going to be an ER doc鈥), she stumbled onto yet another new interest, via her then boyfriend. 鈥淓verything I would describe about the [medical] system not working, he would have a solution for. I was like, you鈥檙e this weird tech guy from California, why is it that you know how to solve these problems and I don鈥檛? And his response was, 鈥極h, from business school. Don鈥檛 think of it as, We crank out bankers,鈥 he said. 鈥楾hink of it as a toolkit that you can use in your career.'鈥 So Parsons entered a joint program at Columbia and earned her MBA as well.
With both degrees in hand, in 2003 she joined the international consulting firm McKinsey & Company (she鈥檇 impressed during a summer internship, helping New Jersey Transit cut costs in its bus division). But still medicine called, so in mid-2005 she took a sabbatical to do a residency in internal medicine at Beth Israel Hospital in Manhattan. And finally she found peace: 鈥淎t the end of the year, I knew: I鈥檓 not going to be a doctor. I get it now. I want to work on problems听around听clinical situations.鈥
Back she went to McKinsey, where she specialized in teaming up with healthcare companies, and then, in January 2008, she joined New York鈥檚 City Hall. 鈥淭he Bloomberg administration had a kick-ass health department,鈥 she says, and Parsons fit right into the businesslike atmosphere. (She was nine months pregnant with her son when she applied鈥擯arsons also has a daughter鈥攁nd she was nervous about needing to take maternity leave so soon. 鈥淏ut they said, 鈥楾hat鈥檚 good, because it takes us six months to hire.鈥 That was one thing Bloomberg was not able to fix, the speed of hiring.鈥)
Parsons rose quickly through the ranks, becoming deputy commissioner within four years, and leading initiatives to improve healthcare access for New Yorkers, expand electronic medical record-keeping, and reform outdated practices at Rikers Island, the city鈥檚 jail complex holding some 7,500 mostly pretrial inmates. At Rikers, she says, 鈥淚 worked very hard to bring down the number of people being held in punitive segregation鈥攔educing the number of people sent there, reducing the amount of time they spent there鈥攁nd helped create units that allowed for more social contact and programing for inmates who were put in punitive segregation.鈥
But 鈥渢he ultimate highlight,鈥 she says, was working with her team 鈥渢o create clinical alternatives to punitive segregation for inmates with serious mental illness.鈥 She made it easier for medical professionals on the outside to obtain Rikers health records after their patients鈥 release from jail, and she created channels for involving community mental healthcare providers in the discharge process. Six months after Bloomberg left office in January 2014, Parsons left city government for Montefiore.
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It鈥檚 1:00 now. Parsons has been on the phone for more than two hours, and it is time for a break and a bit of lunch. Before we set out, she takes a moment to reflect. 鈥淭here鈥檚 a lot of work that needs to be done in the Bronx,鈥 she says. 鈥淵ou never get out of bed and think, 鈥楨h, what鈥檚 the need?'鈥 She gestures out the window toward the streets. 鈥淭he potholes in TriBeCa鈥濃攁 wealthy Manhattan neighborhood鈥斺漺ere cleaned up pretty nicely this winter. There鈥檚 still a bunch of them here. We have the greatest need and are the last to get services. So it feels good to do the work here.鈥
The sidewalks around the hospital are filled with patients, visitors, and hospital staff, their faces and clothing reflecting the Bronx鈥檚 patchwork. A lunch spot across the street from one of the hospital entrances proves popular with everyone. It was once a typical bodega, full of junk food, Parsons says. But in recent years, it has completely reoriented. Now the fridges are stocked with healthy sandwiches, fruit, and seltzer water, and behind a counter running the length of the store, deli workers are putting together greens and smoothies for a clamorous crowd.
Parsons picks up her salad and turns back toward her office, more meetings ahead.
Tim Heffernan is a writer based in New York City.